Jeremy Bauer-Wolf
Investigations Manager
Colleges, especially less-resourced institutions, sometimes struggle to develop online academic programs, claiming they lack the infrastructure, funding, time, and recruitment expertise. This is why, alarmingly, institutions often turn to predatory for-profit companies to build out the programs instead.
These online program management companies, or OPMs, mostly recruit students, but they can also design curricula and recruit or manage faculty. In exchange, OPMs take a hefty share of tuition revenue for programs they establish, sometimes as much as 80 percent, in what are called tuition-share agreements.
Yet the quality of OPM-run programs can be questionable. Students have complained of low-quality instruction and programs that do not fulfill the promises made by recruiters. Students can graduate deep in debt, only to find their credential carries little or no weight in the job market, or that they lack the skills needed for their chosen career.
Because OPMs are generally paid per successful recruit rather than at a flat rate for their services, they are incentivized to enroll as many students as possible. This dynamic fuels aggressive recruitment tactics: relentless texts, emails, and phone calls aimed at pushing students into junk programs. OPM employees have sometimes represented themselves as college recruiters, resulting in students being deceived outright. Students have been led to believe that they were working with a college official when in fact they were dealing with an OPM.
The U.S. Department of Education, which has experienced significant staffing cuts under the Trump administration, looks unlikely to rein in OPMs. States, though, can protect their students and borrowers, as well as their colleges’ finances, from pernicious third-party actors. This legislative toolkit arms state advocates with policy background and talking points on OPM oversight, model legislation to end exploitative tuition-share deals and demand transparency, a national map tracking state-level reform efforts, and links to government reports and journalism exposing the risks that these companies pose.
The toolkit is a product of the collaboration among the Center for American Progress, New America, Student Borrower Protection Center, The Century Foundation, and The Institute for College Access & Success. Special thanks go to Ella Azoulay, Stephanie Hall, Amber Villalobos, and Madison Weiss for their partnership on this project.
Online program managers and their tuition-share model were born out of shifts in federal policy over decades. In 1992, Congress amended the Higher Education Act, introducing a ban on incentive compensation, the practice that allowed colleges to provide commissions or bonuses based on their employees’ success in boosting student enrollment. Lawmakers acted because such incentives prioritized admissions officials’ financial interests over student well-being.
The incentive compensation ban was inconsistently enforced, however, and policy changes throughout the 2000s that introduced exceptions, or regulatory “safe harbors,” further complicated the admissions landscape.
In 2011, the Obama administration issued guidance that allowed third parties that work with colleges to receive incentive compensation for marketing and recruitment so long as they provide these services as part of a “bundle” of services, which could include areas like recruitment or marketing, curriculum development, or IT support.
The Obama-era guidelines allow OPMs to create the tuition-share deals, in which the companies take part of tuition revenue, and which otherwise would flout the incentive compensation ban. Consumer protection advocates have long called for the U.S. Department of Education to withdraw the guidance, which remains in place as of May 2025.
In January 2025, the U.S. Department of Education issued a “Dear Colleague” letter that stated that OPMs working with colleges that receive Title IV federal financial aid must ensure they are not misrepresenting themselves to students. Colleges that violate this policy may lose access to federal funding, the agency said. The Education Department identified three circumstances that likely qualified as misrepresentation and a consumer protection violation, but stressed its list was not exhaustive:
While federal regulations on OPMs remain at a standstill, states can still independently ban tuition-share deals. In 2024, Minnesota became the first state to prohibit such arrangements with its public colleges after recognizing the risks OPMs posed to its institutions.
The Century Foundation’s Higher Education team and the Student Borrower Protection Center developed draft legislation on OPMs, which states are free to use. The Century Foundation also created a blueprint for regulating OPMs that describes the key components of state-level legislation. State-level bills should:
The map below tracks state-level reform efforts to regulate OPMs. Updated July 2025 to reflect Ohio passing OPM legislation.
Below are talking points advocates can use to effectively make the case for stronger oversight of OPMs:
Below is a list of research, government and legal reports, and journalism exposing the risks that OPMs pose. Updated August 2025 with an additional research resource.
Editorial disclosure: The views expressed in this toolkit are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of New America, its staff, fellows, funders, or board of directors.
Updated at 11:00 a.m. on June 11, 2025: The toolkit was updated with an additional resource from The Century Foundation for regulating OPMs.